of Sel Federation of Ravenna

At world level we are experiencing an epochal change, from climate change induced by insane environmental exploitation to the dramatic disparities between the north and south of the world with their burden of violence and suffering. The thread of union of all these human events is the economic system based on financial capitalism, which monetizes the value of life, like any other commodity, be it the life of plants, animals, men or the entire planet. Financial capitalism is the first author of the economic crisis that has hit the world and is the cause that determines the continuation of the crisis itself. The Europe of peoples does not find political representation while the finance Europe now has the reins of the various national governments.


by Jacopo Dionisio – National Coordinator of the Union of University Students – Alberto Irone – National Spokesperson Media Student Network

In recent years, education in Italy has been experiencing one of its most profound crises, due to multiple causes, which have led to the downsizing of the world of knowledge, passed through the abandonment of a mass model, with the consequent diffusion of an increasingly “elitist” conception of access to education: fewer families and students can afford to support their studies, finding it difficult to complete their compulsory education and gain access to higher levels of education. All this is part of a context in which the world of education has long been the subject of true and proper disparaging campaigns, which have spread devastating messages such as the one launched a few months ago by Minister Poletti, who had attacked university students who entered the world of work at a later age because they had more time to graduate with full marks. This is just one of the demonstrations of how the relationship between education and the world of work in our country is seen in a completely distorted way.


by Franco Astengo

The phenomena that determine the change in the political phase can be summarized as follows:

a) The crisis (in the classical sense of “krisis”) of the “State – Nation” (the German philosopher Teubeuer writes of “open system of the new world”);

b) The new quality of the global economic and financial situation and its specific European aspects, of which some key points must be revealed (public debt / private debt, etc.)

c) The highlighting of a real paradigm shift in “political action” with the emergence of a sort of ideology of “technical politics”, which finds in an “Italian case” a sign quite different from what we were historically accustomed to considering, a relevant welding point. A paradigm shift that finds in the cultural homologation between the various subjects present in the Italian political system substantially in agreement in the construction of a regime “with a single thought”. Our perspective must be that of the construction of a large field of opposition for the alternative to intervene in politics, society, cultural debate, institutions.

by Franco Astengo

The phenomena that determine the change in the political phase can be summarized as follows:

a) The crisis (in the classical sense of “krisis”) of the “State – Nation” (the German philosopher Teubeuer writes of “open system of the new world”);

b) The new quality of the global economic and financial situation and its specific European aspects, of which some key points must be revealed (public debt / private debt, etc.)

c) The highlighting of a real paradigm shift in “political action” with the emergence of a sort of ideology of “technical politics”, which finds in an “Italian case” a sign quite different from what we were historically accustomed to considering, a relevant welding point. A paradigm shift that finds in the cultural homologation between the various subjects present in the Italian political system substantially in agreement in the construction of a regime “with a single thought”. Our perspective must be that of the construction of a large field of opposition for the alternative to intervene in politics, society, cultural debate, institutions.


by Renata Mannise

An authoritarian drift and a neoliberal policy that subtracts income, rights and services is becoming increasingly important in our country, so much so that it appears to be the only possible horizon. Its means, on the one hand, are the modification of the Constitution and the launching of an electoral law that will take away from citizens the right to freely choose their representatives, on the other hand the labor and welfare policies, from the Job Act, to Health Reform, which in the name of rationalizing services, “Americanizes” the National Health System, from Law 104 on the “Good School” to the failure to mitigate the effects of the “Fornero” Reform, which increasingly affect the “early and” retired ” . In the meantime, instead of intervening with adequate environmental policies, for example by removing fine particles,


of Altra Europa Marche

We have been engaged comrades for almost two years in the Altra Europa committees with Tsipras of the Marche, in carrying out the construction of an alternative political subject to the PD and able to counter the neoliberal policies that are devastating the lives of millions of people. In this period we have learned to work together without labels of political or party affiliation, making rich of what unites us and aware that our planning is a challenge to the dominant model.

We are no longer willing to wait and observe passively top-down decisions and indecision of a ruling class that does not show adequate levels of political direction, nor the slightest awareness of the risk of self-dissolution that the Italian left is experiencing and, above all, that seems to ignore the gravity of the social situation and the drastic decline of democracy in our country and on a more general scale.

For all these reasons, we consider irresponsible the decision to have dissolved the national table to start the construction of a unitary subject of the left and to have blown up the national assembly scheduled for January. We consider the ruling of the dissolution of parties and movements at the same table to be groundless, since we believe that a truly unitary and inclusive subject should be open to all forms of political action, cultures and identities existing in the anti-liberal field of the left, of the movements, of social conflict; we also think that it is possible to define the forms of a political, electoral and organizational “transfer of sovereignty” of the existing structures towards the new subject, aimed at building a growing consensus and an aggregation of forces sufficient to produce an alternative government proposal to the existing and capable of promoting mass campaigns, disputes and social action, and to arouse participation and leadership. We strongly believe in the need for a new subject inspired by solidarity and popular work and not by top negotiations between alleged “major states” that inevitably reproduce suspicions, resentments and hegemonic claims, which have already produced sufficient damage.

In our region the level of unity and trust among the forces that gave rise to the construction of Altra Europa with Tsipras first, then of Other Brands, is very advanced. We have spent months and months discussing, we have faced electoral competitions in a unified manner and, for all these reasons, we will not pronounce yet another appeal to the national “leaders” but we will proceed autonomously to the construction of a unitary regional subject. Let’s start from the territory, because the facts count more than the appeals and, we hope, can shake consciences and sweep away opportunisms and sectarianism. We think, in this regard, that the words of Antonio Gramsci were never more prophetic: “I am convinced that even when everything is or seems lost, we must calmly get back to work, starting over from the beginning”.

We do not intend to give birth to a “party”, another small party, let alone a regional one; we intend to set up a laboratory to build a force open to reality, associations and movements that, in the Marche, express different levels of criticism and proposal, to build a shared public space capable of making a daily political action rise. A construction site capable of mobilizing, on concrete battles, important and living pieces of society through practices of participation and mutualism.

We do not think in any way that our task ends with putting together existing party symbols, a necessary but not sufficient condition; and it cannot even be identified with the formation of a parliamentary group, which would be very useful if it were limited to an instrument of struggles, visibility and economic support in anticipation of the birth of a unitary other subject, which on the other hand would be harmful if it proclaimed itself the embryo of a new party, because it would reduce this objective to a sterile electoral maneuver.

The political subject we intend to construct must be perceived as useful by the citizens and must aim to reconstruct a significant social block through self-organization and the practice of conflict.

It is not a presumptuous challenge at national levels, but we have realized that the latest events have surpassed the measure and risk dispersing the unitary and trusted assets that we have managed to rebuild from the European elections onwards.

We agree with the substance of the national document “We Are Here, We Launch the Challenge” and consider it a common starting point; We reiterate, internationally, the placement in the European GUE – Left, rethinking a European dimension of our action, all the more necessary in the light of Greek events, where we have seen first hand the strength of capital and our inability to reverse course.

At the local and national level, coherently, we reiterate our autonomy and otherness to the PD, which we consider an organically liberal force, not only in national strategies, but also in the concrete political and administrative practices of the individual territories.

We want to do this work starting from our territory and reshaping the threads of all those relationships and experiences built over the last two years in the field of leftist, environmentalist, secular, libertarian forces, of those who struggle daily in the cities, in the workplace, in the institutions, neoliberal policies and its consequences.

The goal is to build conflict and develop a political and social alternative in the country and in Europe, setting ourselves as reliable interlocutors of all those movements and struggles close to us, from income to housing, from workers in difficulty to trade unions that they really care about their interests, from environmental movements to those in defense of common goods.

We therefore believe it is necessary to work immediately on the construction of unitary committees on the referendum against the Italicum and the cancellation of the Constitution established in 1948 by the Resistance, since in the spring the signatures will be collected on these questions, accompanied by others that will also touch the areas of the school , the environment and work.

It is also necessary, right from the start, to build a network of opposition to the liberal policies that the Marche Region is applying as a mere executor of the Renzi government. We believe that it is fundamental to act immediately with unitary initiatives that counteract the drastic cuts in healthcare (the closure of hospital facilities and birth points, the failure to apply 194), which address the environmental issue (NO TRIV, Biogas, Incinerators), which inform and clarify the issues related to SbloccaItalia, the new regional urban planning law and the new Home Plan, which address the labor issue, with particular attention to youth unemployment (opening branches against precariousness).

It is also necessary to organize the mobilization on the themes of peace and immigration, construct the mobilization against the Fiscal Compact and the balanced budget, fighting European ties with radical actions and proposals for disobedience or breach of the Treaties, and against international economic treaties such as the TTIP, which aim at the removal of workers’ rights, the exploitation without rules of environmental resources and the privatization of services.

It is hard and complicated but necessary work, we cannot and do not want to escape from it. We will participate in every appointment for the construction of the national political subject that immediately identifies the most effective tools to counter regional and national neoliberal policies and that we give the head a vote.

And we will try to bring the sense of our work and our experience to every place; we have no unrealistic presumption, but we no longer intend to wait or delegate.

We can build a great force that changes the dominant society and culture. Let’s do it.


by Andrea Fumagalli – University of Pavia / San Precario Network

I willingly intervene in this assembly, because I have always been interested in understanding the political and social upheavals that aim to improve the living conditions of the men and women of this country, whatever their origin and culture.

I do it, however, in those areas where there is an ideal tension capable of opening up spaces of propositional, cultural and conflict autonomy with respect to the dominant power structure

I hope this is one of them.

At this stage, Italy is experiencing a very strong political and social impasse.

From a social point of view, the crisis, which we can define as a permanent instrument of governance, has invested every area of ​​action and life, restricting more and more spaces of liberation and change.

In the world of work, the degrees of blackmail have multiplied, sharpening the process of subordination, both material and cultural.

In fact, we are witnessing at least three forms of blackmail: the blackmail of need, a classic material device, which hinges on the precarious condition and, therefore, the debtor of life put to work to weaken any conflictual ambition and favor social dumping. The Jobs Act and related provisions have institutionalized this state of affairs. Then we have the blackmail of the imaginary, able to desubject individuals and weaken the surplus potentialities of social cooperation in order to bend them to the voluntary and consenting acceptance of the new command devices: merit and recognition (however decided by the high) “, Not from the” bottom “). And finally, we have the blackmail of the promise: the most ferocious and illusory device for young people,

These three different levels of blackmail mark the subjectivity of work and its social and technical composition today. They also indicate new forms of division of labor. Several inquiries confirm this (from the mini survey on free work at Expo, to those on self-employment of III generation up to the various investigations on the stage).

From this state of the art it is necessary to start again. Here is the “political” challenge. What is the possible process of subjectivation of these working realities? How can the supine individualistic acceptance of this situation of effective exploitation (but not perceived as such by most), between blackmailing the need, the promise and the imaginative illusion, transforming itself into collective conflictual verbality?

Suppose these questions are asked. What are the answers?

On the one hand, there is the managerial-authoritarian vision of that part of Italian capitalism that aims, with modernist demagogy, to extend the exploitation (by dispossession or capture) of that social cooperation, the general intellect, which today forms the basis of a bio-cognitive and immaterial capitalism 2.0, still to be invented (co-working, sharing economy, that mix between returning yuppism and an illusion of an individual realization, a sort of “Californian ideology” (at best, in Mediterranean sauce). Renzi, Sala, the future party of the nation, the Democratic Party all move in unison in this direction with experimentation initially on a local basis. Milan is a forerunner In my opinion, they are our most dangerous and devious opponents.

On the other hand, there is the proposal to reinstate an intervention in the economic policy of yesteryear which deludes itself that the processes of capitalist valorization of today are in continuity with the Fordist industrial paradigm, chasing a social composition of work (and its political representation ) which, if it exists, has nevertheless become a minority, in addition to an advanced age group.

If these are the positions, Renzi wins easily.

In conclusion, we are in a pre-political phase of reconstruction of a conscience and a possible one. This is why I believe an intervention is needed that has the following dual characteristics:

I. Being able to speak and intercept the precarious and unoccupied subjectivities on their terrain of life and perception, which places at the center of its political proposition the construction of a new welfare system which:

to. supports learning and network processes, guaranteeing income continuity rather than work continuity,

b. sets limits to social dumping, introducing minimum forms of labor remuneration according to the reference context (a minimum hourly wage, where working hours can still be accounted for or a tariff where there is a service that does not depend on a time of measurable work)

c. reform the system of social safety nets towards the definition of a basic minimum income, as unconditional as possible, financed by general taxation and not by social contributions, paid to residents (and not only citizens), at an individual (and non-family) level , a primary income, not of a merely welfare nature as an anti-poverty tool but a tool for remunerating that social cooperation and that productive life time that today is not considered in existing contracts and which is the basis of the new exploitation and self-exploitation existing today:

d. guarantees access as free as possible to material and especially intangible common goods.

In a word, a proposal for “common welfare”

II. Being able at the same time to indicate, here and now, a possible space of autonomy of proposition and realization. This means proposing, testing, constructing experiments (from below, outside the political dominant today, even on the left) that allow the development of models of cooperation that cannot be subsumed within the capital valorization cycle, whether characterized by expropriation or by direct consenting exploitation (self-exploitation), however always within a production of exchange value.

Trials that must also have financial autonomy: spaces for self-production, self-organization and self-management of alternative practices, from consumption (for example, gas and alternative food supply chains), to training (self-managed courses, even within University), to culture, art, music, theater (independent centers of artistic production, for example the circuit of occupied theaters but not only still active today, Macao, Kindergarten, Sale Docs, etc.), to the care and assistance (eg self-managed nurseries), to the alternative production of recovered factories (eg Re-Maflow and Officine Zero). Leaving from the cages of the legality-illegality relationship: we remember that some illegality practices, when they have as objective the recovery of real and cultural spaces and the widening of the possibilities of self-determination,

In a word, to create a counter-imaginary, which focuses on the construction of economic autonomy, social self-determination, the right to choose, starting from the right to choose work (beyond the right to work whatever it is): in a word , effective real non-formal democracy.


We live in a time when the markets are in charge, and if inside the markets the big financial capital commands, democracy shrinks. In the times, as well as in the contents, “the markets do not wait” because the choices are determined not by the needs and desires of the citizens but by the availability of large capital to invest in a given territory. And as is well known, capitals prefer to place themselves where wages and rights are lower. The political competition in these years has had as its focus the most efficient and most ready to model one’s country according to the dictates of the single neoliberal thought. But this is how politics loses its reason for being and its credibility. If the policy acts on the basis of states of necessities determined elsewhere, people find it increasingly useless to vote and participate in the life of the parties. Especially the poorest people, for income and for knowing. The policy that competes in the narrow field designed by the interests of large financial capital becomes increasingly quarrelsome and less transparent. The moral degeneration of politics originates from the lack of clear strategic alternatives, interests and values. If the goals to be achieved are the same for everyone, if the idea that another world is possible is rejected at the outset, if the distinctions that have marked the stories of the left and the right fall, politics increasingly becomes an internal affair. of those who invest in politics to affirm themselves. The caste of political professionals, which is scraped to regenerate a new one. This is why we decided to take the road of building a left-wing party. Because we are partisans. With respect to the part that has voice, money, power, we choose the other part, the one that today does not find a voice and listen within institutional politics. The part of those who have seen their income reduced and the possibility of deciding on their own life, while wealth and power have been concentrated in the hands of the few. The part of those who believe that knowledge is a way to orient themselves in the world and to orient it, that it is together with freedom and beauty and not in search of profit and profit. The part of denied intelligences, of those who have not been given the opportunity to access knowledge and those who see the knowledge they have acquired with commitment and effort every day devalued. The part of those that do not measure the exit from the crisis on the basis of a few decimal points of GDP more or less, perhaps driven by those same factors (cheap oil, the increase in monetary liquidity) that caused the crisis economic and put the planet at risk; but from the good and dignified work that will be able to build, from the healthiness of the environment in which we live, from the diffusion of knowledge and culture, from the safeguarding and extension of common goods, from a more equitable redistribution of profits from financial rents to wages, free research and technological innovation.

But the current parties do not seem to have any desire to tackle the true reasons for their crisis of representation, which manifests itself in the growing abstention and the failure to participate in their lives. On the contrary, they have almost everywhere chosen the path of decision-making and the narrowing of the spaces in which democracy is exercised. Voting to decide who is in charge. Afterwards it will be up to those in charge to exercise an increasingly less transparent and increasingly subordinate power to the logic of big capital. This is the basic reason that guides the reform of the Constitution and the electoral law that Parliament voted for and that we will be called upon to confirm or reject in a referendum. If we intend to continue to dismantle the welfare state, to reduce the rights of those who work, to torture the territory with great works and drilling, it is necessary to reduce the spaces where the people and who represent it take the floor. Parliament must be a place of armored majorities and loyal troops, with ever more limited times to discuss and deliberate. We risk becoming the republic of silent assent with respect to the decisions of those in power. And the economic and planning resources available to the local authorities are reduced, those that in any case have to deal directly with the citizens’ questions. The referendum for the Constitution will be the first ground on which the new political subject under construction will face. To avoid draining the water in which good politics can be exercised. It will not be just a battle to defend the Constitution born of the Resistance. It will be a battle to give the Constitution full implementation. From the right to work, to the right to health, to the home, to education and to culture, promoting campaigns and, if necessary, a referendum to affirm the rights denied by government measures on these lands. And to face with the spirit of our Constitution the new big problems that put at risk the cohabitation and the life itself in our Country and in the Planet. Global warming, the migration of peoples, the response to terrorism and war, the right to a happy life for women and men regardless of their sexual orientation. And how to open spaces of participation in places of work and life in which people are called to deliberate on the choices that concern their present and their future.
The party we want to build will stand in the elections but it will not be the election party. It will be present in the institutions but will not be the party of the elected. It will be the party that intends to promote everyday democracy. And that will ensure its full support and that of its own institutional presences, as the parliamentary group of the Italian left and the local administrators involved in the project do today, to all the movements, the unions, the associations that in the territory and in the places of work promotes participation and conflict. Because he knows that no real change is possible without the revitalization of society and the widespread democratic fabric of our country, without a reconstruction of the social fabric torn and divided by years of political, cultural, economic and social hegemony of neoliberalism. In the society of fragmented and massified individuals, held together by the culture of consumerism, the right-wing wins, however it is called. Our party will not claim to be the sole subject of politics. If there is still hope of saving Italy and Europe it is because in these years thousands of people have continued to think and reason together about the choices that affect their lives and their relationship with the great problems of the world. Beginning to practice the things they asked for and claimed. From the right to housing, to education, to health, to respect for the environment, to active solidarity with migrants, to the defense and enhancement of the common good. Our aspiration for government and our ability to govern are based on the full autonomy and creativity of these subjects. Subjects that for their part each day check how, just to safeguard their autonomy and their ability to affect, it is also necessary a presence that takes on content and objectives in the places where resources can be moved and finalized, where the thickness of the borders, peace and war. In the government of local administrations, states, Europe.

This intertwining of social movements and government objectives explains the advance of a new left in Europe, from Syriza to Podemos. And the emergence in some of the same historical parties of leaders explicitly alternative to the dominant neoliberalism and the dominance of finance. Jeremy Corbyn in England. Bernie Sanders in the United States. A new political space opens on the left in Italy today, in Europe, beyond the crisis of social democracies. Our party does not think of itself as the summit of a pyramid but as the node of a network in which the experiences of self-management, mutualism, self-organization multiply. Not even the path we intend to take to establish the new party will be vertical, let alone vertically. No one should be entitled to direct on the basis of his previous experience of leadership. Because even the way of doing politics of those who have made themselves available for the new project, in parties as well as in movements, has not been exempt from the many vices of the policy that we want to overcome. And because today the intelligence necessary to face the great problems that the world goes through is widespread among those thousands of people who, while politics insisted on old rituals and old formulas, tried to hold together and think together about their problems and problems. world. It is they who must be protagonists of the path that opens up. It is their ideas, their experiences that must feed the journey starting from the three days of February. They as people and not for the card they have in their pockets. The new subject cannot be the simple union between those who in recent years have tried to resist, with their parties or as a minority in Renzi’s party, in the neoliberal and decisionist drift. It does not aim to win a dignified percentage within an electoral body that has been drastically reduced by distrust and abstentionism. It must have the ambition of winning over the disheartened and disappointed to democratic participation: and the many who make politics, the politics that matter, in the places of work and life. This is why we said no to the new subject as a federation of existing organized experiences. This is why a real march for the alternative will start, a journey of assemblies and small and large meetings that will cross Italy to organize public debate on the issues, involving social and movement networks, associations, researchers, trade unions and individual citizens in a great discussion on the future of the country. Whoever makes his first political experience in the new party must count as those who come from a long history. Certainly it will be necessary to give life to coordination and service structures that organize participation and mobilization on the objectives that we will together give ourselves. But we are all called to watch that this provisional delegation to the Constituent Congress is not a requisition of political debate and decisions. The territorial structures we build will not have to be simple terminals to mobilize people on decisions taken elsewhere, but the essential moments of political elaboration itself. The great general objectives that we will set ourselves will be all the stronger and more convincing the more they are born from the social practices and the thoughts that feed them. The new communication tools, such as the digital platform, as well as the intelligent coordination of the more traditional occasions of direct confrontation, will represent the places where ideas and proposals born in the territories will meet, to become the patrimony of all and of all.