LET’S GO! OPENING DOCUMENT

We live in a time when the markets are in charge, and if inside the markets the big financial capital commands, democracy shrinks. In the times, as well as in the contents, “the markets do not wait” because the choices are determined not by the needs and desires of the citizens but by the availability of large capital to invest in a given territory. And as is well known, capitals prefer to place themselves where wages and rights are lower. The political competition in these years has had as its focus the most efficient and most ready to model one’s country according to the dictates of the single neoliberal thought. But this is how politics loses its reason for being and its credibility. If the policy acts on the basis of states of necessities determined elsewhere, people find it increasingly useless to vote and participate in the life of the parties. Especially the poorest people, for income and for knowing. The policy that competes in the narrow field designed by the interests of large financial capital becomes increasingly quarrelsome and less transparent. The moral degeneration of politics originates from the lack of clear strategic alternatives, interests and values. If the goals to be achieved are the same for everyone, if the idea that another world is possible is rejected at the outset, if the distinctions that have marked the stories of the left and the right fall, politics increasingly becomes an internal affair. of those who invest in politics to affirm themselves. The caste of political professionals, which is scraped to regenerate a new one. This is why we decided to take the road of building a left-wing party. Because we are partisans. With respect to the part that has voice, money, power, we choose the other part, the one that today does not find a voice and listen within institutional politics. The part of those who have seen their income reduced and the possibility of deciding on their own life, while wealth and power have been concentrated in the hands of the few. The part of those who believe that knowledge is a way to orient themselves in the world and to orient it, that it is together with freedom and beauty and not in search of profit and profit. The part of denied intelligences, of those who have not been given the opportunity to access knowledge and those who see the knowledge they have acquired with commitment and effort every day devalued. The part of those that do not measure the exit from the crisis on the basis of a few decimal points of GDP more or less, perhaps driven by those same factors (cheap oil, the increase in monetary liquidity) that caused the crisis economic and put the planet at risk; but from the good and dignified work that will be able to build, from the healthiness of the environment in which we live, from the diffusion of knowledge and culture, from the safeguarding and extension of common goods, from a more equitable redistribution of profits from financial rents to wages, free research and technological innovation.

But the current parties do not seem to have any desire to tackle the true reasons for their crisis of representation, which manifests itself in the growing abstention and the failure to participate in their lives. On the contrary, they have almost everywhere chosen the path of decision-making and the narrowing of the spaces in which democracy is exercised. Voting to decide who is in charge. Afterwards it will be up to those in charge to exercise an increasingly less transparent and increasingly subordinate power to the logic of big capital. This is the basic reason that guides the reform of the Constitution and the electoral law that Parliament voted for and that we will be called upon to confirm or reject in a referendum. If we intend to continue to dismantle the welfare state, to reduce the rights of those who work, to torture the territory with great works and drilling, it is necessary to reduce the spaces where the people and who represent it take the floor. Parliament must be a place of armored majorities and loyal troops, with ever more limited times to discuss and deliberate. We risk becoming the republic of silent assent with respect to the decisions of those in power. And the economic and planning resources available to the local authorities are reduced, those that in any case have to deal directly with the citizens’ questions. The referendum for the Constitution will be the first ground on which the new political subject under construction will face. To avoid draining the water in which good politics can be exercised. It will not be just a battle to defend the Constitution born of the Resistance. It will be a battle to give the Constitution full implementation. From the right to work, to the right to health, to the home, to education and to culture, promoting campaigns and, if necessary, a referendum to affirm the rights denied by government measures on these lands. And to face with the spirit of our Constitution the new big problems that put at risk the cohabitation and the life itself in our Country and in the Planet. Global warming, the migration of peoples, the response to terrorism and war, the right to a happy life for women and men regardless of their sexual orientation. And how to open spaces of participation in places of work and life in which people are called to deliberate on the choices that concern their present and their future.
The party we want to build will stand in the elections but it will not be the election party. It will be present in the institutions but will not be the party of the elected. It will be the party that intends to promote everyday democracy. And that will ensure its full support and that of its own institutional presences, as the parliamentary group of the Italian left and the local administrators involved in the project do today, to all the movements, the unions, the associations that in the territory and in the places of work promotes participation and conflict. Because he knows that no real change is possible without the revitalization of society and the widespread democratic fabric of our country, without a reconstruction of the social fabric torn and divided by years of political, cultural, economic and social hegemony of neoliberalism. In the society of fragmented and massified individuals, held together by the culture of consumerism, the right-wing wins, however it is called. Our party will not claim to be the sole subject of politics. If there is still hope of saving Italy and Europe it is because in these years thousands of people have continued to think and reason together about the choices that affect their lives and their relationship with the great problems of the world. Beginning to practice the things they asked for and claimed. From the right to housing, to education, to health, to respect for the environment, to active solidarity with migrants, to the defense and enhancement of the common good. Our aspiration for government and our ability to govern are based on the full autonomy and creativity of these subjects. Subjects that for their part each day check how, just to safeguard their autonomy and their ability to affect, it is also necessary a presence that takes on content and objectives in the places where resources can be moved and finalized, where the thickness of the borders, peace and war. In the government of local administrations, states, Europe.

This intertwining of social movements and government objectives explains the advance of a new left in Europe, from Syriza to Podemos. And the emergence in some of the same historical parties of leaders explicitly alternative to the dominant neoliberalism and the dominance of finance. Jeremy Corbyn in England. Bernie Sanders in the United States. A new political space opens on the left in Italy today, in Europe, beyond the crisis of social democracies. Our party does not think of itself as the summit of a pyramid but as the node of a network in which the experiences of self-management, mutualism, self-organization multiply. Not even the path we intend to take to establish the new party will be vertical, let alone vertically. No one should be entitled to direct on the basis of his previous experience of leadership. Because even the way of doing politics of those who have made themselves available for the new project, in parties as well as in movements, has not been exempt from the many vices of the policy that we want to overcome. And because today the intelligence necessary to face the great problems that the world goes through is widespread among those thousands of people who, while politics insisted on old rituals and old formulas, tried to hold together and think together about their problems and problems. world. It is they who must be protagonists of the path that opens up. It is their ideas, their experiences that must feed the journey starting from the three days of February. They as people and not for the card they have in their pockets. The new subject cannot be the simple union between those who in recent years have tried to resist, with their parties or as a minority in Renzi’s party, in the neoliberal and decisionist drift. It does not aim to win a dignified percentage within an electoral body that has been drastically reduced by distrust and abstentionism. It must have the ambition of winning over the disheartened and disappointed to democratic participation: and the many who make politics, the politics that matter, in the places of work and life. This is why we said no to the new subject as a federation of existing organized experiences. This is why a real march for the alternative will start, a journey of assemblies and small and large meetings that will cross Italy to organize public debate on the issues, involving social and movement networks, associations, researchers, trade unions and individual citizens in a great discussion on the future of the country. Whoever makes his first political experience in the new party must count as those who come from a long history. Certainly it will be necessary to give life to coordination and service structures that organize participation and mobilization on the objectives that we will together give ourselves. But we are all called to watch that this provisional delegation to the Constituent Congress is not a requisition of political debate and decisions. The territorial structures we build will not have to be simple terminals to mobilize people on decisions taken elsewhere, but the essential moments of political elaboration itself. The great general objectives that we will set ourselves will be all the stronger and more convincing the more they are born from the social practices and the thoughts that feed them. The new communication tools, such as the digital platform, as well as the intelligent coordination of the more traditional occasions of direct confrontation, will represent the places where ideas and proposals born in the territories will meet, to become the patrimony of all and of all.

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